Historically, dolls made by Indigenous people in the polar north have served both as playthings for children and as educational tools, helping young girls develop essential survival skills in stitching while also introducing them to design principles.

Beginning in the 1970s, the production of dolls emerged as a means of economic stimulation for artists in Canada’s polar regions, with Taloyoak (Spence Bay) becoming a particularly notable centre of this craft. While historical records do not provide explicit evidence of direct influence between Alaska and the Canadian Arctic, in our opinion, it is reasonable to speculate that the rise of doll-making in Canada's arctic may have been shaped, at least in part, by the efforts of organizations such as the Alaska Native Arts and Crafts Cooperative Association (ANAC) [1]. By the mid-20th century, ANAC and similar groups had begun actively promoting the production of Alaska Native-made dolls, fostering both artistic expression and economic opportunity.

However, rather than a case of direct imitation, the shared circumpolar heritage of these regions may simply suggest a broader pattern of parallel development—an organic convergence in which Canadian Inuit and Alaska Native artists responded to evolving market opportunities by adapting and expanding traditional doll-making practices.

The precise origins of influence behind this particular doll are ultimately less important than the extraordinary craftsmanship it represents. In this work, every detail, from the choice of materials to the meticulous hand-sewn embellishments, speaks to the skill and care of its maker. 

The doll wears an amautiq, a traditional parka designed to carry an infant, crafted from real packing parka cover material. The collar is trimmed with fur and her hair is made of fine woollen yarn strands.

The precision of hand-sewing techniques, passed down through generations, is especially evident in the intricate beadwork that forms a butterfly motif on the chest. This motif, along with additional embellishments on the apron and tail, is composed of small glass beads arranged with remarkable care. Meanwhile, the boots, apron, and sleeves feature embroidery in cheerful pastel tones, further showcasing the artist’s deft hand and eye for detail.

Perhaps the most charming feature is the infant nestled in the hood. Unlike the more common “pillow-type” baby dolls—simple, swaddled figures with only a sculpted head—this infant is fully articulated. Its arms and legs are carefully shaped, its body dressed in fabric resembling a nappy and shirt. Even at this miniature scale, the craftsmanship remains uncompromising: the baby wears a brightly coloured crocheted hat, its diminutive stitches crowned with a perfectly executed tuft of yarn.

1. In the author’s research, no direct link was evidenced, however, Dr Nelson Graburn in “The Discovery Of Inuit Art: James A. Houston - Animateur” in the 1987 Spring issue of Inuit Art Quarterly (IAQ), vol. 2, no. 2:3-5, mentions that one Molly Lee notes the comparison of James Houston’s Sunuyuksuk (Sanajaksat) production, the influence of Alaskan government (Institute of American Indian Arts (IAIA) publications.

For other works by Kinngait artists, see Kenojuak Ashevak dolls and a doll by Annie Manning, see Eva Strickler & Anaoyok Alookee, Inuit Dolls: Reminders of a Heritage, (Toronto: Canadian Stage & Arts Publications Limited, 1988), pp. 150, 154, and 153, respectively.

Nadine Di Monte